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The first Coptic convention in Zurich (Sept. 23-25)
Today and tomorrow
Youssef Sidhom
Ten
years ago in May 1994, Mr Antoun Sidhom founder of Watani wrote an editorial under the title “Where were you then … and
where are you now?” He wrote:
“When
the Ibn-Khaldun Center for Developmental Studies recently announced that it
was holding a conference on persecuted minorities in the Middle East, and
upon the announcement that the agenda included Egypt’s Copts among these
minorities, writers, columnists, and intellectuals—Muslims and Copts—all went
up in arms. They cried out that Copts were no minority but were an original
component in the fabric of the Egyptian nation—a nation which had remained
undivided for some 1,400 years [since the Arab conquest of Egypt in 640AD]. I wholeheartedly
agree. Nonetheless, I distressfully ask where were these honourable writers
during the several incidents—notably those which occurred in Upper Egyptian
towns and villages—when Copts were killed, and their churches, homes and
property burnt, ruined, and looted? Where were they when the Oteify Committee
Report [on sectarian violence], approved by Parliament in 1972, was frozen?
Among all those who today attest that Copts are an original part of the
nation, none wrote a word in defence of the Copts or in condemnation of the
outrageous injustices inflicted upon them while the government looked on, but
prominent feminist Ms Amina al-Saeed and activist Dr Rifaat al-Saeed.”
This
was back in 1994. Ten years on, the situation is no different. «Watani» is still untiringly calling—in
vain—for the Coptic file to be opened to a national dialogue. Deplorable
incidents—violent and non-violent—against Copts persist. Copts are still
sidelined and excluded from leading and governing their country. Coptic
grievances are steadily denied, obscured within a shroud of sparkling hollow
rhetoric which persists in the pretence that all is well and that Copts have
no grievances in the first place. The national conscience has to date made no
move towards acknowledging the injustices or correcting them. The recognition
of these injustices by any international or foreign body is invariably
branded by our media and government officials as unwarranted intervention in
our domestic affairs. Our persistent calls to our Muslim brethren for a
candid discussion of our grievances in order to put our house in order and
close the door before any attempt of foreign ‘intervention’ has fallen on
deaf ears. Within an ailing democratic climate which allows freedom of
expression but lacks mechanisms of accountability and change, our consecutive
governments have failed to face up to the reality of the situation.
Since
July 2002 when «Watani» opened the
file of “Problems on hold”, it has tackled some 80 such Egyptian societal
problems and Coptic grievances. In almost all the cases, there was no
official response. It appeared as though we have become adept at heaping the
dust over our problems and falsifying the facts until we actually believe our
own lies. And if an honourable voice rises to wake us up, it is branded
traitor or Zionist.
Amid
this bitter build-up of anger, and despair of any Egyptian initiative to
bring to the forefront the Coptic issue, I was invited to attend an
international conference in Zurich on “The first international convention of Egyptian Copts: A minority
under siege”. As soon as news of the conference spread in Egypt,
the by-now-familiar wave of denouncement and protests erupted in the media.
Before the conference objectives or agenda were announced, it was branded a
conspiracy against Egypt by the Egyptian media, by no less than the most menacing and hated of
enemies: “Zionist Christianity”. This vicious media campaign succeeded in
attracting a following among those in the political and media arena who feign
patriotism, and in terrorising others into distancing themselves from the
conference. Interestingly, some others announced that they intended to
boycott the conference to which they had never been invited in the first
place.
Since
I am submerged in the issue of Coptic grievances, and am not one to give in
to the sway of rhetoric or to delusory campaigns, I decided to take part in
the Zurich convention. I believed that I had a patriotic mission to fulfil, and
considered it imperative that the floor should not be left devoid of a voice
from inside Egypt, to present the situation realistically and credibly, and to suggest
a balanced, reasonable cure to its current ailments, and a vision for a
better future. I do not hesitate to detail the truth of our shortcomings nor
do I feel ashamed of that, since we live today in a global village where any
attempt to obscure the truth fails miserably. I believe that real patriotism
lies in exploiting Egypt’s civilisational and national credit, and the historically intimate
relations between Muslims and Copts to draw a non-negotiable route towards a
better future.
The
Zurich convention involved varied representation. There was Egyptian Coptic,
Muslim, and expatriate presence, as well as foreign organisations and
individuals interested in human rights. It is beyond the scope of this
article to report on all the participants and the issues handled in detail—»Watani» will deal with them in later
articles—but I will only outline the major lines of thought discussed and the
final resolutions.
In
the main part, participants addressed the conference on one of three levels.
The first expressed wrath at the deterioration in the state of affairs of the
Copts throughout the past half-century, and bitterly regretted the loss in
the undiminished citizen rights they had enjoyed before. Building upon the
current Egyptian policy of denying Coptic grievances and promoting a media
which deluded the public into believing falsities, this movement views the
future with considerable doubt—in some cases bordering on despair. It comes
as no surprise that the leader of this movement is Mr Adly Abadir Youssef—an
elder among expatriate Copts—whose shoulders carry the weight of 85 years
half of which were spent under Egypt’s
liberal era in the first half of the past century. The other half was spent
outside Egypt, watching in sorrow as its political, economic, social and cultural
life declined.
On
the second level, participants candidly and honourably acknowledged the flaws
and shortcomings of the present system, but went beyond that to suggest a
vision of correction and change. This movement builds upon the history of
co-existence and warm relations between Egypt’s
Muslims and Copts, fostering a willingness to sow and nurture seeds of change
towards a better future. I was among the members of this movement, together
with other Copts and Muslims from Egypt
and abroad. It was gratifying that this current was generally met with
sincere appreciation, especially among the attendant foreigners who—contrary
to what our media frequently propagates—said they were not interested in
picking fights or faults, but were delighted with homegrown solutions—based
upon coexistence, equal rights, and acceptance of the other—to the Coptic
grievances.
The
third level of the addresses to the conference constituted studies and papers
presented to the conference by the attending foreigners and a few Egyptian
and Arab participants. These papers focused in the main part on international
standards of freedom and human rights, Arab human rights, the situation of
Arab women, and the migration of the Christians of the Middle East. This last problem is
viewed as a major civilisational loss to the region and not a mere
demographic problem.
Despite
the varied views, the conference drew up the final resolutions as follows:
In order to end the long and enduring persecution of Copts in Egypt,
we call on the Egyptian government to enact «Special Legislation» through the Egyptian legislature to correct
all inequities resulting from historical neglect and discrimination.
«We sincerely solicit the help
of all Muslims to stand side by side with the Copts in their quest for
freedom and equality.»
The new legislation establishing equality for the Copts should establish
and implement the following principles:
1.
Instituting
a total separation of religion and state through constitutional reforms, and
the removal of emphasis on religion and its role in government institutions,
emphasising the secular nature of the State.
2.
Denouncing
the Himayoni Decree as unconstitutional in order to establish the equal
rights of all Egyptians to build and maintain places of worship.
3.
Allocating
a proportionate and just percentage (estimated between 10-15%) of government
appointed positions to Copts, to guarantee appropriate participation.
4.
Allocating
a proportionate and just percentage (estimated between 10-15%) of
parliamentary seats for Copts, thereby encouraging political participation and
guaranteeing adequate representation in the «Electoral Bodies».
5.
Removing
«religious identification» from
every government issued document, form, or application.
6.
Enforcing
the Constitution in order to guarantee the freedom and protection of
religious beliefs of all Egyptians, free of coercion.
7.
Ending
the practice of treating all Coptic issues, including their struggle to
attain equal rights, as ‘State Security Matters’ and removing what is known
as the “Coptic File” from the grip of the State Security Intelligence
Apparatus, with the aim of restoring equality between all Egyptians under
rule of law.
8.
Reforming
school curriculum and the media to remove all demeaning references to
non-Muslims, and introducing an educational curriculum teaching tolerance,
acceptance of the other, respect for human rights, and religious freedom.
«We also express our
conviction that a better Egypt, besides adopting this ‘Special Legislation’,
should dedicate itself to strengthen relationships of love and respect
between all Egyptians, both Muslim and Christian, through encouraging
cooperative projects in all areas of life. We believe that what is good for
Copts is good for all Egypt and what
is good for Egypt is good
for the Copts.»
Signed
unanimously on 09/25/2004 in Zurich.
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